Nagpur: While the electoral battle was primarily a Mahayuti versus Maha Vikas Aghadi contest, it was the head-to-head fights between BJP and Congress in 75 constituencies that shaped the larger outcome. BJP emerged victorious in 65 seats of these, leaving Congress with a mere 10.
The assembly elections, following months after the LS polls in which Congress staged a comeback, winning 17 of 48 seats — its best performance in a decade, has seen the BJP make a stunning recovery. It has clinched 132 of the 288 assembly seats, its highest-ever tally in Maharashtra, surpassing its previous records of 122 in 2014 and 105 in 2019. In stark contrast, Congress plummeted to its worst-ever performance, winning only 15, a steep decline from 44 in 2019 and 42 in 2014.
BJP’s triumph can be attributed to a coordinated campaign in which its state and central leadership worked in tandem. While deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and state party president Chandrashekar Bawankule worked across various regions, providing support to every candidate, seasoned campaigners like Narendra Modi, Amit Shah, Nitin Gadkari and Yogi Adityanath provided the necessary impetus to counter anti-incumbency.
RSS played a crucial role, mobilising grassroots support through an extensive campaign involving over 60,000 meetings statewide. This effort helped consolidate votes and neutralise caste-based strategies employed by the Opposition. BJP also benefited from its well-organised campaign machinery, which ensured effective candidate selection, voter outreach, and seamless coordination with allies in the Mahayuti coalition. The saffron party maintained its dominance in urban centres like Nagpur, Pune, and Mumbai, where it enjoyed significant support from the middle class and youth. In rural constituencies, the party’s focus on farmers, small business owners, and women voters paid dividends. Several BJP leaders, including Devendra Fadnavis, Chandrashekar Bawankule, Sudhir Mungantiwar, and Chandrakant Patil, secured decisive victories.
Congress’ campaign was marred by infighting, lack of grassroots mobilisation, and an inability to project a credible leadership figure. Even veteran leaders like Balasaheb Thorat and Prithviraj Chavan lost their seats. Of the 75 face-offs with BJP, Congress managed to win only 10 seats, mostly in areas with significant minority populations or where local leaders had a stronghold. In the Konkan region, it has no MLAs left; in north Maharashtra, western Maharashtra and Marathwada, it now has one each. State Congress chief Nana Patole himself barely managed to retain his Sakoli seat, scraping through with a narrow margin of 229 votes. Even in constituencies where it traditionally enjoyed support, the party faced reduced margins, reflecting a loss of confidence among its base.
The assembly elections, following months after the LS polls in which Congress staged a comeback, winning 17 of 48 seats — its best performance in a decade, has seen the BJP make a stunning recovery. It has clinched 132 of the 288 assembly seats, its highest-ever tally in Maharashtra, surpassing its previous records of 122 in 2014 and 105 in 2019. In stark contrast, Congress plummeted to its worst-ever performance, winning only 15, a steep decline from 44 in 2019 and 42 in 2014.
BJP’s triumph can be attributed to a coordinated campaign in which its state and central leadership worked in tandem. While deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and state party president Chandrashekar Bawankule worked across various regions, providing support to every candidate, seasoned campaigners like Narendra Modi, Amit Shah, Nitin Gadkari and Yogi Adityanath provided the necessary impetus to counter anti-incumbency.
RSS played a crucial role, mobilising grassroots support through an extensive campaign involving over 60,000 meetings statewide. This effort helped consolidate votes and neutralise caste-based strategies employed by the Opposition. BJP also benefited from its well-organised campaign machinery, which ensured effective candidate selection, voter outreach, and seamless coordination with allies in the Mahayuti coalition. The saffron party maintained its dominance in urban centres like Nagpur, Pune, and Mumbai, where it enjoyed significant support from the middle class and youth. In rural constituencies, the party’s focus on farmers, small business owners, and women voters paid dividends. Several BJP leaders, including Devendra Fadnavis, Chandrashekar Bawankule, Sudhir Mungantiwar, and Chandrakant Patil, secured decisive victories.
Congress’ campaign was marred by infighting, lack of grassroots mobilisation, and an inability to project a credible leadership figure. Even veteran leaders like Balasaheb Thorat and Prithviraj Chavan lost their seats. Of the 75 face-offs with BJP, Congress managed to win only 10 seats, mostly in areas with significant minority populations or where local leaders had a stronghold. In the Konkan region, it has no MLAs left; in north Maharashtra, western Maharashtra and Marathwada, it now has one each. State Congress chief Nana Patole himself barely managed to retain his Sakoli seat, scraping through with a narrow margin of 229 votes. Even in constituencies where it traditionally enjoyed support, the party faced reduced margins, reflecting a loss of confidence among its base.